The first speech as president José Mujica made in Parliament may have left something of a surprise to most, beyond or not there are explicit and public recognition in this regard. While the more radical left-from-left daily La Juventud to point marked indignation Mujica was "more of the same" and titled its editorial "A desalambrar to desalambrar! but, for international capital, further entangled in outdated and worn out slogans, we need more official media (the newspaper La República) declined to comment on those aspects that could be ideologically somewhat uncomfortable for any militant (and perhaps for many of its voters) of the Frente Amplio, particularly those referring to the more pragmatic edge of liberal stamp and for a macro linked to a vortex of contemporary capitalism as possible within that highlighted the new president. And to further contribute to a state of surprise, the press more closely linked to the right was almost effusively enthusiastic speeches by Mujica, highlighting precisely those aspects of the speech that bothered both the radical left and the left more "official enthusiastically" avoided referring.
For those who have been following the ideological avatars Mujica, however, nothing surprised us presidential address these issues more clearly linked to pragmatism and political liberalism, old bad words in the imaginary have always sustained and promoted by the local left.
Similarly, we were surprised not more of the statements Mujica held in this effect in the controversial book "Pepe Talks" so celebrated by the local right and so eagerly tried to conceal, correct, or ignore leaders and activists of the left (even for the same Mujica at the time, by the way). Although we do have to say that he ended up closing their flirtations and petty intrigues of "bedroom" with some of the most militant, and less moderate-del Frente Amplio, more akin to give this second administration of FA strongly marked a shift towards the old slogans of the left "historic", sitting still in the discourse of class conflict and struggle. In particular, its relationship with the old "bar" former fellow guerrilla adventures and the most Sixties of MPP, but above all, with the minority Communist Party, which despite having little national vote is very strong in the outdated, elitist and unrepresentative of the internal organizational scaffolding Frente Amplio .
But his public goodbye to the bar, its finally clear and decisive approach to the policy of Vázquez-Astori and representatives of a modern left in the center of the political spectrum, who can grow efficiently with all the recipes and rules global capitalist economic and then dump the fruits harvested in social policies, together with a better justice distributive-and his first speeches as president made clear some political strategies and alliances necessary Mujica learned to play brilliantly. Zorro old Mujica has already stated in the book Pepe Talks need to have the favor of the Communist Party, knowing of their weight in the Congress of the internal frontage, but especially knowing that handle much of the shop floor, or the more conservative and bureaucratic sector that has the Uruguayan State. And this is central, because Mujica and raised in that book that his plan was bolder in taking forward the mother of all reforms: the reform of the state. Nothing more and nothing less than the space where they end up failing president after president. And it was clear that this should take a different path of Vasquez, who did not have the necessary political waist to know how to deal successfully with militant bases unionized, and bolted to the state apparatus. Mujica movements were other, typical of a brilliant political chess. Although there are to do, of course, how to finally end the current game.
Today, the minority Communist Party has a ministry (of Social Development) and nothing more, nothing less than the government of the Municipality of Montevideo (since, except a political earthquake is almost impossible not won the FA again quartermaster capital city in May.) And having the city government's own second importance of government in the country. Disproportionate power space for a sector that barely had the votes just for a single senator. Why, then, that excessive condescension Mujica for the PCU? Child policy, the moves "underground" and the political intrigues have historically been characteristic of the PCU (incidentally, always faced the industry since Mujica MPP) and survival motor and militant power, but this time they have faced chameleon-like figure and political skills that have our spectrum of political leaders: the new president of all Uruguayans, the man who time and again has been reconfigured and adapted to the circumstances, the survivor to urban guerrilla times, the survivor to jail and torture of military dictatorship, the man who was able to adapt to the rules of liberal democracy and disdain that before he fought against the radical recycling emerge as a moderate social democrat, with a look at the reality astonishing to old comrades in arms (Zabalza walks around his old comrade in arms, saying Mujica "has no roots"), which leaves her speechless most bitter rivals on the right, those who are unable to carry out management, and sustain a credible discourse about it, which finally represents a political theory and a particular model of government, which synthesizes the best of liberalism and socialism, the waning and erroneous dichotomy that so many still believe the world.
For those who have been following the ideological avatars Mujica, however, nothing surprised us presidential address these issues more clearly linked to pragmatism and political liberalism, old bad words in the imaginary have always sustained and promoted by the local left.
Similarly, we were surprised not more of the statements Mujica held in this effect in the controversial book "Pepe Talks" so celebrated by the local right and so eagerly tried to conceal, correct, or ignore leaders and activists of the left (even for the same Mujica at the time, by the way). Although we do have to say that he ended up closing their flirtations and petty intrigues of "bedroom" with some of the most militant, and less moderate-del Frente Amplio, more akin to give this second administration of FA strongly marked a shift towards the old slogans of the left "historic", sitting still in the discourse of class conflict and struggle. In particular, its relationship with the old "bar" former fellow guerrilla adventures and the most Sixties of MPP, but above all, with the minority Communist Party, which despite having little national vote is very strong in the outdated, elitist and unrepresentative of the internal organizational scaffolding Frente Amplio .
But his public goodbye to the bar, its finally clear and decisive approach to the policy of Vázquez-Astori and representatives of a modern left in the center of the political spectrum, who can grow efficiently with all the recipes and rules global capitalist economic and then dump the fruits harvested in social policies, together with a better justice distributive-and his first speeches as president made clear some political strategies and alliances necessary Mujica learned to play brilliantly. Zorro old Mujica has already stated in the book Pepe Talks need to have the favor of the Communist Party, knowing of their weight in the Congress of the internal frontage, but especially knowing that handle much of the shop floor, or the more conservative and bureaucratic sector that has the Uruguayan State. And this is central, because Mujica and raised in that book that his plan was bolder in taking forward the mother of all reforms: the reform of the state. Nothing more and nothing less than the space where they end up failing president after president. And it was clear that this should take a different path of Vasquez, who did not have the necessary political waist to know how to deal successfully with militant bases unionized, and bolted to the state apparatus. Mujica movements were other, typical of a brilliant political chess. Although there are to do, of course, how to finally end the current game.
Today, the minority Communist Party has a ministry (of Social Development) and nothing more, nothing less than the government of the Municipality of Montevideo (since, except a political earthquake is almost impossible not won the FA again quartermaster capital city in May.) And having the city government's own second importance of government in the country. Disproportionate power space for a sector that barely had the votes just for a single senator. Why, then, that excessive condescension Mujica for the PCU? Child policy, the moves "underground" and the political intrigues have historically been characteristic of the PCU (incidentally, always faced the industry since Mujica MPP) and survival motor and militant power, but this time they have faced chameleon-like figure and political skills that have our spectrum of political leaders: the new president of all Uruguayans, the man who time and again has been reconfigured and adapted to the circumstances, the survivor to urban guerrilla times, the survivor to jail and torture of military dictatorship, the man who was able to adapt to the rules of liberal democracy and disdain that before he fought against the radical recycling emerge as a moderate social democrat, with a look at the reality astonishing to old comrades in arms (Zabalza walks around his old comrade in arms, saying Mujica "has no roots"), which leaves her speechless most bitter rivals on the right, those who are unable to carry out management, and sustain a credible discourse about it, which finally represents a political theory and a particular model of government, which synthesizes the best of liberalism and socialism, the waning and erroneous dichotomy that so many still believe the world.
Indeed, part of the subtle play that makes Mujica in their efforts to reform the state and deal with the shop floor is to put the PCU in the IMM. Who better than sector trade union base to face ADEOM excellence, the union more corporate, conservative and radical that exists in the state sector, anchored right in the most important provincial government? Whoever wins or loses you lose this tug of war, will gain the initiative power Mujica deal effectively with the grassroots trade union to perform the intended reform. The IMM can be the political grave to the PCU or ADEOM defeat at the hands of political opponents like himself and therefore, more difficult, it has had to face. Perhaps time
point out that "in those instances historic FA Congress in late 2008 ahead of selecting the candidate" official "- the almost obsessive zeal of the militants' bases-particularly the communists, to close the road to Astori candidate of the FA, by calling him a desire just to own pragmatic and liberal, too according to the prevailing macro-economy, did nothing but pave the way to more pragmatic and politically liberal of potential candidates.
Mujica is a liberal in the classical political sense (and in more than one occasion has defined precisely in these terms) and a man with a vision quite pragmatic about political life that has left both motives (his ideological liberalism pragmatism) of seeing the world from the barren lands of the ideology of conflict and the all or nothing. Indeed, on the latter referred in his first speech as president, well worth quoting his words:
"(...) we believe that this idea of \u200b\u200bcomplementarity between the social parts, is best suited to reality. We believe that the diagnosis of consensus and convergence is more correct than conflict "
" A while ago we all learned that the battle for the all or nothing, are the best way so that nothing changes and everything pond. We want a life policy to the conclusion and the sum, because we really want to change reality. "
Overcoming ongoing conflict theories (with the obvious common questions, meaning that for all at this point I guess it must be clear that life is conflict and there are competing interests at all levels and orders. But the issue is beyond that stage by way of dialogue and agreement and not by way accentuate the disagreement based on non-permanent dialogue with the "ideological enemy"), open spaces of debate and overcome the conservatism (Conservatives are certainly, as you said Mujica, who want "change" slogans from reality "revolutionary" of the conflict and all or nothing).
This, of course, requires end to banish political practices imposed on the screams and the romance of the "heroes of classes." Is needed in any case, another form of "heroism" and "courage", much more difficult to implement. Well, what is needed is dialogue calm, respect for differences, prioritize the way of argument, persuasion based on good ideas, as essential space of democratic maturity. Above all, it takes more than class interest and the ongoing conflict, individuals who think and act beyond, to think effectively in the community property. And as you said in that first speech Mujica:
"None of this is achieved by shouting. Just look at the countries that are ahead in these areas and you will see that most of them have a peaceful political life. With little epic, few heroes and few villains. (...) To achieve this we are convinced it takes a civilized political coexistence
Courage is needed to carry out this great reform of state proposing Mujica and involves face their own political bases. And although so far there has been more than presidential defeat in that area, their intentions and challenges were also scored in that first speech:
"That honesty and courage will be needed to carry out the State planning policies. To agree we have to lower our respective positions and averaged with the others. And that means trouble mandatory cuts in our political bases. That will be a test of courage. "
And there, also this will digest not only the "villains" are corrupt, that the bureaucracy does not match, you have to put aside the moral arrogance that often appears when we assign a priori a label of "good" and possessors of ultimate truths, and learn those lessons that we impose the limits of reality, including the macroeconomy and the limits of finite financial resources. And rang clear and strong words about Mujica:
"For its part the Frente Amplio, and now challenging transitional eternal champion, had to accept harsh lessons, not the voters but of reality. We found that rule was far more difficult than we thought, that fiscal resources are finite and infinite social demands.
That bureaucracy has its own life, that macroeconomics is unpleasant but mandatory rules.
And we even had to learn, with much pain and shame, that not all our people were immune to corruption. "
" A neat Macroeconomics is a prerequisite for everything else. We will be serious expenditure management, handling serious deficits, serious monetary policy and more serious, dogs, in monitoring the financial system. Let me put it in a provocative way: we shall be orthodox in macroeconomics. (...) I once wanted to be in Antarctica, and produce everything within their borders. We were wrong, very wrong. No criminal would learn from those pains and return to a cage and closed economy to the world. "
Also important was his defense of private worker, whom he described as the real affected by the economic crisis that inaugurated the twenty-first century:
" Similarly, the Uruguayan society has protected their public servants far more than private workers. Recall that in the crisis of 2002 and 2003, nearly 200 000 people lost their jobs and nothing was a public official. An estimated 200 000 were other cuts in their salaries, and they were all private workers. "
And not in vain, finally Mujica also said in his speech that:
"(...) to rule starts to create the political conditions to govern."
And in that sense has been moving into the arenas of local politics talented chess player, both to the opposition parties as to the sectors of their own party that often hamper the task.
The day after the primaries, I wrote an article entitled "Between Mujica and Lacalle, Vaz Ferreira vote" and the next day's victory in presidential elections Mujica one entitled "The day after the presidential election." The first argued the importance of the political center and balances, the need to abandon the old dichotomies of ideology and policy seek to overcome the fatal state partidocracia Uruguay. In the second, celebrated Mujica gesture at the time of winning, just calling to find these balances with the opposition and declaring that it would immediately set to work committees aimed at generating further state policies of political parties (specific factual and weeks before his inauguration, with inter-party committees working on four core issues: education, environment, safety and energy). Mujica also said that "could be the one to take a historic step in achieving break the old habit of governing Uruguayan politician without the other, not the loser in this dichotomy of left vs. right. Time will tell. And the political will, of course. " Good to know that things are heading in this direction, which stated that it is vital Mujica rule "to generate changes to the long term," to "create conditions for rule 30 with state policies," more important than one party rule is "a party system, so wise and so powerful, capable of generating sealed tunnel running through the various chairs of the different parties, and there, for those tunnels, are untouched the main strategic lines of the big issues, but those who live politics as a supporter fan from the stands of the stadium, find it almost intolerable restraint so democratic.
point out that "in those instances historic FA Congress in late 2008 ahead of selecting the candidate" official "- the almost obsessive zeal of the militants' bases-particularly the communists, to close the road to Astori candidate of the FA, by calling him a desire just to own pragmatic and liberal, too according to the prevailing macro-economy, did nothing but pave the way to more pragmatic and politically liberal of potential candidates.
Mujica is a liberal in the classical political sense (and in more than one occasion has defined precisely in these terms) and a man with a vision quite pragmatic about political life that has left both motives (his ideological liberalism pragmatism) of seeing the world from the barren lands of the ideology of conflict and the all or nothing. Indeed, on the latter referred in his first speech as president, well worth quoting his words:
"(...) we believe that this idea of \u200b\u200bcomplementarity between the social parts, is best suited to reality. We believe that the diagnosis of consensus and convergence is more correct than conflict "
" A while ago we all learned that the battle for the all or nothing, are the best way so that nothing changes and everything pond. We want a life policy to the conclusion and the sum, because we really want to change reality. "
Overcoming ongoing conflict theories (with the obvious common questions, meaning that for all at this point I guess it must be clear that life is conflict and there are competing interests at all levels and orders. But the issue is beyond that stage by way of dialogue and agreement and not by way accentuate the disagreement based on non-permanent dialogue with the "ideological enemy"), open spaces of debate and overcome the conservatism (Conservatives are certainly, as you said Mujica, who want "change" slogans from reality "revolutionary" of the conflict and all or nothing).
This, of course, requires end to banish political practices imposed on the screams and the romance of the "heroes of classes." Is needed in any case, another form of "heroism" and "courage", much more difficult to implement. Well, what is needed is dialogue calm, respect for differences, prioritize the way of argument, persuasion based on good ideas, as essential space of democratic maturity. Above all, it takes more than class interest and the ongoing conflict, individuals who think and act beyond, to think effectively in the community property. And as you said in that first speech Mujica:
"None of this is achieved by shouting. Just look at the countries that are ahead in these areas and you will see that most of them have a peaceful political life. With little epic, few heroes and few villains. (...) To achieve this we are convinced it takes a civilized political coexistence
Courage is needed to carry out this great reform of state proposing Mujica and involves face their own political bases. And although so far there has been more than presidential defeat in that area, their intentions and challenges were also scored in that first speech:
"That honesty and courage will be needed to carry out the State planning policies. To agree we have to lower our respective positions and averaged with the others. And that means trouble mandatory cuts in our political bases. That will be a test of courage. "
And there, also this will digest not only the "villains" are corrupt, that the bureaucracy does not match, you have to put aside the moral arrogance that often appears when we assign a priori a label of "good" and possessors of ultimate truths, and learn those lessons that we impose the limits of reality, including the macroeconomy and the limits of finite financial resources. And rang clear and strong words about Mujica:
"For its part the Frente Amplio, and now challenging transitional eternal champion, had to accept harsh lessons, not the voters but of reality. We found that rule was far more difficult than we thought, that fiscal resources are finite and infinite social demands.
That bureaucracy has its own life, that macroeconomics is unpleasant but mandatory rules.
And we even had to learn, with much pain and shame, that not all our people were immune to corruption. "
" A neat Macroeconomics is a prerequisite for everything else. We will be serious expenditure management, handling serious deficits, serious monetary policy and more serious, dogs, in monitoring the financial system. Let me put it in a provocative way: we shall be orthodox in macroeconomics. (...) I once wanted to be in Antarctica, and produce everything within their borders. We were wrong, very wrong. No criminal would learn from those pains and return to a cage and closed economy to the world. "
Also important was his defense of private worker, whom he described as the real affected by the economic crisis that inaugurated the twenty-first century:
" Similarly, the Uruguayan society has protected their public servants far more than private workers. Recall that in the crisis of 2002 and 2003, nearly 200 000 people lost their jobs and nothing was a public official. An estimated 200 000 were other cuts in their salaries, and they were all private workers. "
And not in vain, finally Mujica also said in his speech that:
"(...) to rule starts to create the political conditions to govern."
And in that sense has been moving into the arenas of local politics talented chess player, both to the opposition parties as to the sectors of their own party that often hamper the task.
The day after the primaries, I wrote an article entitled "Between Mujica and Lacalle, Vaz Ferreira vote" and the next day's victory in presidential elections Mujica one entitled "The day after the presidential election." The first argued the importance of the political center and balances, the need to abandon the old dichotomies of ideology and policy seek to overcome the fatal state partidocracia Uruguay. In the second, celebrated Mujica gesture at the time of winning, just calling to find these balances with the opposition and declaring that it would immediately set to work committees aimed at generating further state policies of political parties (specific factual and weeks before his inauguration, with inter-party committees working on four core issues: education, environment, safety and energy). Mujica also said that "could be the one to take a historic step in achieving break the old habit of governing Uruguayan politician without the other, not the loser in this dichotomy of left vs. right. Time will tell. And the political will, of course. " Good to know that things are heading in this direction, which stated that it is vital Mujica rule "to generate changes to the long term," to "create conditions for rule 30 with state policies," more important than one party rule is "a party system, so wise and so powerful, capable of generating sealed tunnel running through the various chairs of the different parties, and there, for those tunnels, are untouched the main strategic lines of the big issues, but those who live politics as a supporter fan from the stands of the stadium, find it almost intolerable restraint so democratic.
is not the time to only "home for all (and less than tragic," or no ") but also" home to all. " There is less removal and replacement added, with a corresponding change of direction and commendable Mujica-tested at the time of his speech to the historic MLN formula that read "There will be a homeland for everyone or for nobody." I wish that "all" can crystallize. It is difficult but not impossible. At least worth a try
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